Globocop: How America Sold Its Soul and Lost Its Way

Globocop: How America Sold Its Soul and Lost Its Way

Mark David Ledbetter

Language: English

Pages: 257

ISBN: B003F769H8

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub

The two post 9-11 presidential elections offered America a choice between big-government, high-tax globocops quibbling over the details, not an alternative to the aggressive international militarism that makes America the natural and logical target of terrorism. This book looks at the progression from republic protected by militia to empire protected by standing armies in Athens and Rome - and the similar progression in America. It looks at an alternative: The Swiss way, which has kept Switzerland free and republican for 700 years in the center of a warlike continent. America once understood and followed Washington's Great Rule and J. Q. Adams' admonition not to go out into the world in search of monsters to destroy. America was then the light of freedom, not the sword. Now it has picked up the sword only to see the light grow dimmer year by year.

Liberty's Torch: The Great Adventure to Build the Statue of Liberty

The First Frontier: The Forgotten History of Struggle, Savagery, and Endurance in Early America

Ike's Bluff: President Eisenhower's Secret Battle to Save the World

The Men Who United the States: America's Explorers, Inventors, Eccentrics and Mavericks, and the Creation of One Nation, Indivisible

The Death of Character: Moral Education in an Age Without Good or Evil















that has kept this country free for 700 years and inspired early Americans. John Adams, found the story important enough to quote a poem in his aforementioned book. Who with the generous rustics fate On Uri’s rock, in close divan And wing’d that arrow, sure as fate Which fixed the sacred rights of man. The sacred rights of man… how to preserve them is the question. The Swiss Confederation evolved an answer that once served as model to America: Government must recognize the rights

fulfill the grand schemes of cloistered policy writers in the Pentagon and White House, and those schemes get twisted into absurdity anyway by the pressure groups that must appear in a democracy at the center of all policies. Armies and politicians simply cannot fulfill the grand visions of nation-building imagined by people who believe that nation-building is what America is about. Anyway, America has no right to be improving the world, no matter how bad the world appears to be acting. Would

death, hardly a moral act. Just as helping others is good when done by freely by private citizens, fighting oppression in foreign countries is good when done freely by private citizens. But when the government takes on either job, unknowable forces and interactions invariably take over and steer good works and intentions in unexpected and usually destructive directions. Some say the War on Terror is a necessary police action designed to eradicate weapons of mass destruction. Another

into meetings with grand ideas but virtually nothing in the way of detailed, realistic, or concrete proposals. Wilson’s incompetence was clear to his own secretary of state, Robert Lansing, and to his most trusted advisor, Colonel House. They could have handled the details and the negotiating, except for one thing. Wilson himself wanted to be at the center of all big events. That is why he had fought the war. That is why he had come to Paris. At Paris, though, outmaneuvered at every turn, he

preserving the pre-war imperial power structure that his Fourteen Points (and America’s sacrifice) were intended to end. Powell proposes, as a possibility, an alternative explanation for Wilson’s apparent incompetence. Wilson, Powell argues, had a history of vindictiveness. And, despite his fine words when speaking generalities, his anti-German feelings are documented. Powell speculates that, Wilson, who had proclaimed the noble goal of “peace without victory,” demanded victory. He expressed

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